Home » «He scared the regime, right down to the end» – breaking latest news

«He scared the regime, right down to the end» – breaking latest news

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«He scared the regime, right down to the end» – breaking latest news

Alexei Navalny died in the Arctic penal colony of Kharp, 2,000 kilometers from Moscow, where he was transferred in December: this was announced by the Russian Federal Penitentiary Service, specifying that an investigation into the causes of death is underway. President Putin’s best-known opponent was 47 years old. According to the Russian agency Tass, and according to what was reported by the penitentiary service, Navalny felt ill after a walk “almost immediately losing consciousness”, but despite “all resuscitation measures” being carried out “for 30 minutes”. necessary”, these “did not give positive results”. Russian media report that it may have been “a blood clot” that killed him
Vladimir Putin was informed of the death. Navalny’s mother, Liudmila Navalnaya, told Novaya Gazeta: ‘I don’t want condolences. We saw him in prison on February 12, he was alive, healthy, happy.” Kira Yarmish, the opponent’s spokeswoman, is on her way to Kharp: “As soon as we have more information about his death, we will disclose it,” she said.
On Wednesday, Navalny had undergone the 27th transfer to solitary confinement since the beginning of his detention, a record also for Russia’s oppressive prison system. On the 11th, another ten-day isolation period had just ended. In total, Navalny has spent 308 days in solitary confinement since the beginning of his detention in January 2021. Here are the reactions to the news of his death. Below is the portrait, by Marco Imarisio.

Yet it was still scary.
Detained in a penal colony in the remote Russian Arctic, where he was found by his lawyers after three weeks without any news; unable to communicate with the outside world; isolated, far from everything. Locked in a two-by-three meter cell from which he knew he might never emerge — as it happened.

Navalny was in the hands of his sworn enemies, who had attempted to eliminate him at least a couple of times. He could have remained abroad, where he would have been hailed as the strongest voice against the vertical of power that has governed Russia for over twenty years. He had chosen to return, knowing full well that his fate would be prison, and taking into account that death could await him.

Navalny was first sentenced to five years in prison in July 2013 for embezzling state assets from the public company Kirovles. He makes mysterious accusations, acts never made public. From 2011 to 2018 he was sentenced to administrative arrest ten more times, essentially for the crime of seditious gathering.

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In January 2021, immediately after returning home from Germany, he was stopped for “violation of the rules”. He had not shown up at the police station on the scheduled dates. He had a good reason for not being there. He was in hospital, between life and death, after being poisoned by agents of a special team of the FSB, the Russian secret service. In March 2022 he was found guilty of aggravated fraud and sentenced to 9 years in prison. At the end of May of that year, he was accused of having created “an extremist community”.

Alexei Navalny (4 June 1976 – 16 February 2024): the latest news and insights

An indictment in 196 volumes

On April 26, 2023, he was given 10 days to read the 196 volumes of the new case against him. On August 4 he was sentenced to another 19 years in prison. The Duma had passed a law that seemed tailor-made for him – to turn that sentence into a life sentence. He didn’t help.

The reason for the fury of a man buried alive or almost alive did not lie in the journalistic investigations of his working group which also revealed the incredible riches of the men in the Kremlin who preach frugality to their people while accumulating villas and yachts in the most exclusive locations in the world . That is now a thing of the past, there is no longer even a need to feign any Franciscanism, as no opposition no longer exists.

The truth is much simpler. For years, Vladimir Putin feared comparison with him, with his popularity, with his ability to reach an audience inaccessible to him, that of young people.

An unacceptable presence for Putin

This fear remained, to this day, until his death. Because Navalny’s presence continued to loom over the Kremlin.

The memory of what he had been capable of doing hovered in the collective memory and in that of Putin, who had recognized his nemesis in an ex-boyfriend who had become the first Russian 2.0 politician, armed only with an iPhone and his social channels.

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On August 20, 2020, when he was poisoned, he was returning to Moscow from an electoral trip to Tomsk and Novosibirsk, the two university cities in Siberia where the wind of dissent was blowing strongest, as much as possible. Shortly thereafter there would be local elections, yet another test of the “intelligent vote” strategy, its most important invention: concentrating the opposition’s preferences on the candidate with the greatest chance of making it, regardless of his colour. politic.

In the 2011 parliamentary elections, when his career as public enemy number one of the Kremlin was just beginning, he prevented United Russia from reaching the desired fifty percent.
It was this transversality that made Navalny what he continued to be until the end.

Raised in a military garrison

Born in 1976, the son of a soldier and raised in a garrison, he had become the representative of voters who have a vague memory of the Soviet Union, and above all do not regret it, do not live in the myth of lost power. With his sharp slogans – how can we forget the definition of “grandfather in the bunker” given to Putin – he took with him liberals, communists, even nationalists, anyone who was against today’s power.

He created memes like crazy. He had toilet brushes bought at the discount store brought to the demonstration, to recall the luxury ones found in Putin’s villa in Sochi. For years, it has proliferated on YouTube. Becoming a kind of brand. He was the boy next door who, during the short season of mass rallies against the Medvedev-Putin relay, encouraged passers-by to join the procession: “Don’t stand still like mouflons.”

He married young, as per tradition, living with his wife and two children in a block of flats in Maryno, on the far outskirts of Moscow. He was not a veteran of the USSR, he was not an intellectual, not an oligarch. He had no labels.

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A few months before the attack of which he was the victim, his dangerousness was certified by yet another ad personam law, which prohibited people who resided abroad from running for president. And here the problems began. Especially ours.

Let’s tell ourselves the truth. Shortly before his poisoning, Navalny was still judged with a certain disdain by the international media. Because if interpreted with the Western yardstick, Navalny was a populist, someone who took everyone with him, who made no distinctions. Who has always been reproached for the youthful sin of Great Russian nationalism and the declarations on Crimea, which “should not be returned to Ukraine, because it is not a ham sandwich that is first taken and then returned” . Add to this his studies at Yale as a selected member of the “Greenberg World Fellows Program”, a program created in 2002 for which just 16 people with characteristics that make them “global leaders” are selected every year on a global scale. And here are the raised fingers and suspicions about him, fueled by Kremlin propaganda, which presented him as an ambiguous character and a foreign agent in the pay of Uncle Sam, which for a long time many international media took the bait.

Only to then change his mind, faced with a heroic gesture such as the choice to return to his homeland, knowing full well what awaited him.

This is the difference with all the others. He was not a luxury exile, like Gerry Kasparov or other expatriate compatriots. He was, until the end, a protagonist of Russian politics, the only strong voice of dissidence, while those “outside” were divided over the opportunity of a useful vote, the only idea born from an annihilated and sterile opposition to same time.

He didn’t just talk. He always got results. The 2020 elections in Siberia were a triumph. At the beginning of the year, Ksenya Fadeeva, the coordinator of her movement in Tomsk, was sentenced to nine years in prison for “extremism”. Despite prison and an increasingly feeble voice, Navalny was still scary.

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