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Bonaccini-Schlein, the identity challenge that risks blowing up the Democratic Party

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Bonaccini-Schlein, the identity challenge that risks blowing up the Democratic Party

The lunge against Matteo Renzi: wicked choices

The lunge against Matteo Renzi also goes in this direction, who on the day in which the assembly of Italia Viva gives the green light to the federation with the Calendian Action recalls that it was he, as secretary of the Democratic Party, who nominated it for the European elections of 2014 and therefore «without me Schlein would be nobody». «I was elected in Strasbourg thanks to the 53,000 preferences taken in a door-to-door campaign – replies Schlein -. Instead, Renzi must be given the credit for having pushed me and many others out of the Democratic Party with an arrogant management, incapable of synthesizing diversity ». And again: “After having humiliated anyone who had a different idea, with his wicked choices he left a field of rubble … we will not be told by those who are filtering with the right what we must do to rebuild the left”.

No to the Jobs Act, yes to basic income: Schlein’s vision

And this is how Renzi’s labor reform, the Jobs act, becomes the symbol of all evils in the Monk’s room, to be put down. And this is how the watchwords of the left resonate strongly: from the need for greater redistribution (the word patrimonial is not pronounced but is in the air) to the defense of basic income with a clear wink to the M5s, an ally of yesterday and above all of tomorrow (“it prevented a million poor people”); from the indictment of the “neoliberal model that feeds on inequalities and is inadequate for the planet” to the three challenges on “inequalities, climate and precariousness”.

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Growth and merit: the words recovered by Bonaccini
The words that are missing in Schlein’s vision are growth and merit, very present instead in Bonaccini’s speech on the field last November 20th. The governor of Emilia Romagna recalls that the Democratic Party must be the party of growth because without wealth there can be no redistribution and that the word merit is left-wing because it is the main social lift available to the poor. Bonaccini imagines a party “of the works” instead of “of labour”, because there are not only employees and workers: there are young precarious workers who need to be answered, of course, but there are also millions of self-employed people and VAT numbers that “we cannot leave to the right”. It is clear that the Democratic Party that Schlein has in mind (“a new party is needed”, says those who have not yet joined that party by chance) is a party with a strong identity that turns completely to the left while the one Bonaccini imagines is still the Veltronian party with a majority vocation, ie the party that has the ambition to speak to the whole country and to all social classes and not just to a part of it.

The risk of splitting: will whoever loses the game run away with the ball?

If Schlein were to win, would the reformists of Catholic and liberal-democratic backgrounds still feel represented? And the left that knocks forcefully on the doors of the Democratic Party – in addition to the internal one, Schlein herself and the Article 1 Bersanians about to rejoin the party with their leader Roberto Speranza – would they feel at home if Bonaccini were to win instead? Many are convinced that in any case the dem congress will end a new split, after that of Bersani in 2017 and Renzi in 2019, will have to be taken into account.

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Renzi’s shadow on the dem congress

Certainly it is no coincidence that the leitmotiv of the congressional discussion always bears the name of Renzi, so harshly attacked by Schein in his speech and used by Bonaccini’s detractors now in tandem with Nardella with the cry of “you are Renziani” or “you are the horse diTroia who will bring Renzi back to the Democratic Party”. Renzi is in fact the leader who has most taut the rope of the Democratic Party on the side of government reformism to the point of breaking it on the left. And now, paradoxically, he could benefit from the effects of the tightrope on the other side until he breaks on the side of reformism. Because it is clear that if the former prime minister is ideally closer to Bonaccini and Nardella, his former right and left arms at the time of the takeover of the Nazarene and the government challenge, he hopes in his heart that Schlein will win for the “prairies” that they would open up to the new political formation – the “house of reformists”, in fact – which is being built with Carlo Calenda.

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