Home World Historical syllogisms and the three principles of Mao, Deng, Xi (pictures) | Yan Chungou’s historical resolutions | Xi Jinping | Mao Zedong | Deng Xiaoping | Sixth Plenary Session | Current Commentary

Historical syllogisms and the three principles of Mao, Deng, Xi (pictures) | Yan Chungou’s historical resolutions | Xi Jinping | Mao Zedong | Deng Xiaoping | Sixth Plenary Session | Current Commentary

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On September 19, 2017, on the eve of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, a portrait of Xi Jinping and Mao Zedong in a market in Beijing. (Image source: GREG BAKERAFP via Getty Images)

[Look at China November 18, 2021]The CCP issued the “Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on the Party’s Major Achievements and Historical Experience in a Century of Struggle.” As a result, Mao’s mistakes still remained, and Deng’s resolutions were not corrected. Both Mao and Deng’s lines “applied” at the same time.

I dare not cover up my mistakes in the first 30 years, and dare not deny the line in the next 30 years. Therefore, some people regard the third historical resolution as the result of Xi’s forced compromise with the opposition in the party.

Deng vetoed Mao’s line of class struggle as the mainstay and opened the line of economic construction as the ideological basis for China’s reform and opening up. Without Deng’s historical resolution, reform and opening up would be unjustified. Some commentators attribute Deng Xiaoping’s line to abandoning socialism and taking capitalism. This is inaccurate. Deng never gave up socialism, otherwise he would not put forward the “four persistences.”

Deng’s reform and opening up were not about finding a way to save the country, but a way to save the party: public ownership was the mainstay, private ownership was the supplement, the planned economy was the mainstay, the market economy was the supplement, the state-owned enterprises were the mainstay, and the private enterprises were the supplement. Party leadership, socialism, and the dictatorship of the proletariat are all the lifeblood of the CCP. Deng’s “hide our powers and bide our time” is not changing things, but retreating to advance.

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There are generations of Deng, up to Jianghu, who have been wronged for economic development, lowered their bodies, pleased the United States, and deregulated, but these were all expedient measures and concessions that had to be made for recuperation. In essence, Deng Xiaoping never intended to abandon socialism, otherwise Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang would not have stepped down.

Since Xi Jinping took over, Deng’s line has survived in name only. Xi has adopted abstract affirmation and concrete negative methods for Deng’s line, and gradually abolished Deng’s specific policies, such as the two-term leadership system, seven ups and downs, and so on. They have been abolished by “leading the way”; the separation of the party and government, and the separation of government and enterprise, is no longer a disease; the state advances and the people retreat, private enterprises build the party, public opinion is tightened, and control is strengthened. These all run counter to the policies in the early stage of reform.

Originally, Deng’s second resolution was a denial of Lao Mao, and Xi’s third resolution was prepared to “negatively deny” Deng. It would not stop Deng’s line and could not find an ideological basis for Xi’s turning back. That caused misgivings and ideological confusion inside and outside the party. The actions were too unpopular. Therefore, 547 places were amended before and after the resolution. In the end, Mao’s line was specifically denied, and Deng’s line was abstracted and changed. Cheng Wu Tang Wu Shui, a freak that goes against common sense logic.

Xi Jinping’s fundamental purpose is to suspend Lao Deng’s reform and opening up, return to Lao Mao’s ultra-left line, and stand on the standpoint of personal interests. He will be in charge of the CCP in his lifetime, and he will enjoy the fame of the Chinese Communist Party a hundred years later. This is the third historical resolution. The original intention. It is a pity that things went contrary to expectations, and the resolution was changed to a completely unrecognizable final. Not only did Lao Mao’s line not affirmed, Lao Deng’s line was not vetoed, but the historical syllogisms were still fighting with each other. The result is nondescript, and will surely be questioned and ridiculed in the future.

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However, one of Xi Jinping’s goals has been achieved. It is the syllogism of historical resolutions, which delineates the periods of the three dynasties of Mao, Deng, and Xi. Hu Zhao, Jiang Zhu, and Hu Wen all stand aside. After Mao and Deng, Xi is a “epoch-making” after Mao and Deng. The wise leader of the Chinese Communist Party is the “Master of ZTE”, so there are three summaries of “stand up, get rich, and get stronger”.

Mao did not dare to write about his faults and Deng’s reforms did not dare to completely deny, but Xi’s status as the lord of ZTE could be implied, although not so far, so the third historical resolution was published.

Mao is an idealist (idealism is not a commendatory term, and Islamic fundamentalism is also idealism), and he has struggled for communism throughout his life, and he did not hesitate to use the lives of tens of millions of Chinese as a stepping stone. Deng is a pragmatist and has no complete ideological system. He crosses the river by touching the stones. A white cat and a black cat catching a mouse are a good cat. What is Xi’s doctrine? Xi is an admirer of old Mao, but he does not possess any thoughts of carrying on the past. It is neither a communist nor a pragmatist. He regards his lifelong governance as the highest interest, and Regarding the name of thousands of generations as the highest value, if you want to give him a doctrine, then he is a complete egoist.

The third historical resolution retains the characterization of the second historical resolution on Mao’s previous political movements. This is a heavy slap in the face of Xi Jinping’s 30 years before and after the fallacy that cannot be denied each other. Although there are two-thirds of the praise of Xi Jinping, it’s ups and downs. Only Xi Jinping knows, as to whether this can guarantee Xi’s sustainable governance, only God knows.

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When a party draws conclusions about its own history, it should not be sloppy and inverted. It must be able to withstand the verification of history, otherwise historical decisions will be like children playing in the sand. Xi Jinping modifies party history with his personal will, and he will definitely not stand the test of time. Maybe a few years later, there will be a fourth historical resolution, and then re-evaluate Xi Jinping’s third historical resolution. Negation—Negation of Negation—Negation of Negation, Negation of Negation, without democracy, the CCP will continue to toss on endlessly.

It is a pity that although history allows the CCP to dress up, the CCP will ultimately have to rely on history to cover the coffin.

(The article is reprinted from the Facebook page of Yan Chungou with the authorization of the author)

(The article only represents the author’s personal position and opinions)

Source: Author Facebook

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