Home » In Tunisia the anger of young people explodes: “We want a future”

In Tunisia the anger of young people explodes: “We want a future”

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On the one hand, the dream of the revolution remains, after the dictatorship. On the other hand, there is a road already traveled, one that could transform the fragile Tunisian democracy into a new Egypt, with the Armed Forces managing the repression. The path started by the president on Sunday evening is risky Kais Saied with the “freezing” of the Chamber and the forced dissolution of the government. The Islamic party Ennahda shouts for a coup, calls its supporters to take to the streets and challenges the blocking of parliamentary work.

The head of state has invoked Article 80 of the Constitution, which allows him to take the necessary measures if the institutions, security and national independence are faced with imminent danger. As the rule dictates, it has stopped the work of the Parliament, but it has not dissolved it. The rule, however, also required consultations with the premier, with the president of the Assembly and with the Constitutional Court. But the prime minister, Hichem Mechichi, the protagonist of an institutional tug-of-war after a reshuffle proposal not accepted by the presidency, was torpedoed and several voices put him under arrest.

The second one, Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the Islamic party, says that Saied has not questioned him and indeed asks the population to rebel against the “coup d’état”. Finally, the third, which should settle disputes, has never taken office, seven years after the launch of the fundamental Charter, due to the disagreements on the choice of judges.
The decision to use an iron fist by entrusting the Armed Forces with the task of blocking the Assembly of Representatives and – according to the local press – also stopping any attempt to expatriate a large group of parliamentarians is a radical choice.

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The first result is a deep split in the country, between parties and among the population. For now, the Armed Forces have kept the first skirmishes under control with insults between militants from different sides. But the anger expressed in the demonstrations of recent days, and culminating in the assault on the headquarters of the Islamic party, has not subsided. It was born from the disappointment of young people, dazzled by the idea of ​​a new beginning after the departure of Ben Ali, and disillusioned by a disastrous economic reality. It is not even sure that the curfew from 7 to 6 announced last night together with the ban on gatherings is a sufficient measure to dampen the anger of the squares.

The final push came with the pandemic: the spread of infections has not only cornered the country’s health facilities – with 90 percent of the places in intensive care units already occupied and just seven Tunisians out of a hundred vaccinated – but it has also given a formidable blow to the tourism industry, a very important sector especially for youth employment. And it is easy to foresee that not even a stricter control of the state apparatus, with the coveted squeeze on corruption that the Tunisians are asking of Saied, will be able to do the miracle of reviving the economy.

A little breath could come from the International Monetary Fund, which in these hours has made a commitment to continue to support Tunisia “in the face of exceptional socio-economic pressures”, to start a greater recovery, “more inclusive” and with job creation. For Saied it is a positive sign, as is the position taken by the unions: the UGTT federation, once part of the Nobel Prize-winning quartet, took the field to support the conformity of presidential choices with the Constitution. “It is time for the parties responsible for the degradation to assume their responsibilities”, the trade unions declare, stressing that the goal is always to follow the democratic process and restore the stability of the country.

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These same concerns are also expressed by the international community, which has received the events in Tunis with extreme caution. From the European Union to the White House, to the Gulf countries, the call is always the same: respect democracy, avoid violence. The only dissonant voice, the one coming from Istanbul. The party of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who has always been an ally of Ennahda, condemned what he called “the Saied coup”.

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