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Reason and feeling. Let’s start with feeling. The greatest feeling of an event with a very high level of emotion and fear – let’s not forget that everything originates from the health of those who have lived, worked and died in Taranto since the 1960s – is the sense of loneliness that the entire ex Ilva affair manifests . The community of Taranto – with its sense of condemnation and its desire to live, with its desire to let things go and its sudden revolts – is a profoundly lonely community. Now there are three government-appointed commissioners who are three single men. Power and responsibility have a natural dimension of solitude. But Quaranta, Fiori and Tabarelli operate in a context that has been deserted by twelve years of errors, misfortunes, accidents, submissions and omissions. They must first of all prevent the systems from falling apart. They don’t have money. I am waiting for the regulatory framework to be completed. The banks observe the tangle and wait for it to unravel. Trade unions manage social peace, having as their strategic objective the preservation of all jobs. The government floods Taranto, Novi Ligure and Cornigliano with public money with redundancy payments. The loneliness of the three commissioners is directly proportional to the almost absurd complexity of the problems they face. For this reason, the feeling of this vast and diversified solitude must be addressed with the instrument of reason. First point: the terrible conditions of the systems. In this, the work of the unions becomes essential. Who know the three industrial sites well. And who can, in these months of crossing the desert after Arcelor Mittal’s exit from the scene, contribute – with German-style behavior – to redevelop factories that are in a catatonic state. A sort of daily co-management to save every little corner of the systems that are needed by Italian manufacturing. Second point: the three commissioners have no money. In this, the reason of public interest would suggest to the government to move away from the dimension of proclamations (the position on extra profits, as in the case of credit institutions, and the picturesque controversy over the name of cars, as in the case of Alfa Romeo Milano) and to communicate directly, in a much more systematic manner, with the large Italian banks to immediately organize a collection of resources, simultaneously with the public bridging loan. The Meloni government cannot think of resolving everything with redundancy alone. Thinking is needed. And, without thought, no bank will ever make any alliance with the State. Third point: the future employment perimeter. Here the reason must be explained by the unions. To the commissioners, who have set up an industrial plan based on the modularity of the size and on the use of electric furnaces (by definition much less polluting), it is clear that the gigantism of the integral cycle from the epic of the seventies steel industry has anti-historical elements and above all it is difficult exhumation, when dealing with a situation as insanely serious as this. If the unions only choose a South American and not a German line, focusing on maintaining the number of employees – no matter what the costs – they will transform Acciaieria d’Italia into yet another missed opportunity for Italian industry and yet another bloodbath for the public accounts. The feeling of loneliness – of three men, of a city, of an Italian story – is terrifying. Reason and reasonableness recompose.