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Nine thousand pages and 35 suspects – so far as we all know. But not the whole lot is but clear within the Genoa investigation into the “Toti system”, and a few traces of investigation will most likely must be developed in additional dossiers, such because the one referring to an alleged leak of data on which prosecutors are working, which might have allowed the suspects to know in regards to the investigation. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni underlines that «Toti stated that he would learn the papers and provides the solutions. Waiting for these solutions, and evaluating, I feel is the naked minimal”, alluding to the upcoming interrogation that the Ligurian governor can have with the investigators.
The targets of corruption
It is the primary accusation of the investigation: a sequence of loans given by entrepreneurs to the heads of establishments to acquire favors throughout the port space of Genoa, the topic of quite a few development websites. The distinguished figures are Toti, the entrepreneur Aldo Spinelli and the previous president of the Port Authority Paolo Signorini. According to the prosecutor’s workplace, a mortgage of 74 thousand euros to the “Cambiamo con Toti” Committee would in actuality be a disguised bribe to acquire the privatization of the “Punta dell’Olmo” seashore, the extension of the concession of the Rinfuse Terminal for an additional 30 years, pending earlier than the Committee administration of the Port Authority of the Western Ligurian Sea, and the project of the port areas of the previous Carbonile Itar, the Carbonile Levante and a state-owned space utilized by the Autostrade concessionaire.
The financing that Toti receives from Spinelli is asserted and traced, due to this fact formally professional, even when instantly after the extension of the concession of the Bulk Terminal, 40 thousand euros are instantly given, with a suspicious timing. Furthermore, it stays to be understood whether or not the thing of the corruption has been achieved or whether or not it’s an tried corruption, provided that the seashore privatization challenge has not but been applied and provided that Rinfuse might have had a concession renewed, even with no tender (though 30 years is a really very long time). According to the accusation, Spinelli additionally asks Signorini for assist and obtains an advance on the “renewal schedule” of the concession, in trade not for cash however for an extended checklist of favors, holidays, direct or oblique presents. There can be a chapter devoted to the goals of Santa Barbara srl to acquire subcontracts for the sub tunnel that Aspi is constructing. Signorini works to rearrange for Mauro Vianello to have conferences with the highest administration of the motorway firm, however it stays to be seen whether or not the conferences actually led to something or not.
Riesi’s pals
The accusation of vote swapping is among the many heaviest, particularly as a result of a mafia system is hypothesized to acquire votes in trade for jobs, which nevertheless haven’t been obtained regardless of the function of Toti’s chief of workers, Matteo Cozzani. The mafia technique is among the most complicated points of the investigation, as a result of it’s disputed that the Testa brothers had been used to keep up relations with Venanzio Maurici, former president of the Amici di Riesi affiliation linked to the Maurici and Cammarata gang. Maurici’s direct and oblique hyperlinks with Caltanissetta mafias are reconstructed, nevertheless the prosecutor’s workplace itself underlines that the contestation of a mafia technique «doesn’t essentially require the existence of a reference mafia group as it’s only obligatory that the intention is to contribute to the exercise of an affiliation working in a mafia-like context”. Meanwhile, the Amici di Riesi affiliation is formally energetic, with a Facebook web page and plenty of members.
The secondary information
In the pages of the investigation there’s additionally discuss of an curiosity on the a part of the waste sector entrepreneur Pietro Colucci, accused of getting paid 195 thousand euros to Toti’s electoral committee by corporations managed by him and a galaxy of teams which, in accordance with the investigators, revolved round to him with frontmen. We are speaking in regards to the interval from 2016 to 2019, exterior of that examined by the investigating choose’s order. In this case, nevertheless, the trade just isn’t clear, it may very well be a bootleg financing of the events provided that the cash just isn’t declared within the price range. Finally, the Covid chapter: whether or not the numbers had been disguised to acquire extra vaccines or whether or not there was a rip-off on the masks is the topic of a separate research, supplied that the prescription doesn’t arrive first.