Deutsche Welle: This is the third historical resolution in Chinese history, but compared with the previous two historical resolutions, what do you think is the biggest difference between this resolution?
Teng Biao: This form of historical resolution has played a very important and special role in the history of the Communist Party of China. For example, the historical resolution about Mao Zedong’s era is tantamount to the CCP setting the tone for major historical events. Once this has been set, there is basically no way to change it. The historical resolution this time must definitely determine Xi Jinping’s historical status, so that his political status within the party and within China will be fully formalized, and no one can shake it.
This will make his cult of personality reach a higher height. Regarding Mao Zedong’s historical resolution, the meeting was decided after his death. This time it was when Xi Jinping’s power reached its peak, to further establish his historical position. And in terms of age, he is only 68 years old, so he may still be in power for many years. Therefore, at this point, his political arrangements for the future direction of the Communist Party and China are very large, which are different from the previous two historical resolutions.
Deutsche Welle: In the historical resolution of 1981, the Chinese government made some comments on the Cultural Revolution, but you think that in this historical resolution, some controversial events or issues that occurred in the past will be reviewed like Deng Xiaoping’s era. NS?
Teng Biao: The next third historical resolution should be completely reactionary from the overall tone. It will divide the history of the CCP into three stages. The first stage was Mao Zedong, followed by Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, and then Xi Jinping led the third stage. Therefore, it completely provides legitimacy for the history of the CCP, and it will not say to learn historical lessons.
There will be no mention of Xi Jinping’s perverse practices, personality cults, and human rights violations in the nine years since he took power, including the June Fourth Movement, the persecution of Falun Gong and Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong. It will fully provide an endorsement of the CCP’s practices, and there will be no reflection on these issues.
Deutsche Welle: In the past week, Chinese state media have been reporting on Xi Jinping and his position on a very large scale. Through this discussion, how should the outside world interpret the role Xi Jinping will play in the future Chinese political society?
Teng Biao: Xi Jinping’s absolute authority was established a few years ago. He amended the constitution in March 2018 and abolished the term limit for the president of the country. Before that, this absolute authority had been established. This time it is just a further step. Consolidate. This kind of personal centralization has changed the development trend and direction of the past decades from Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao. The collective dictatorship of the CCP in the past has been turned into a personal dictatorship by Xi Jinping. This trend will be strengthened in this historical resolution, and it is unlikely that any person or faction will be able to challenge Xi Jinping in the future.
Deutsche Welle: In such an atmosphere of personal dictatorship, will the operating space of civil society shrink even more?
Teng Biao pointed out that the collective dictatorship of the CCP has been turned into a personal dictatorship by Xi Jinping.
Teng Biao: Since 2014, the space for civil society in China has been shrinking rapidly, and the situation of domestic human rights defenders and dissidents has become increasingly difficult. This is connected with Xi Jinping’s personal dictatorship and totalitarianism. . In the future, this trend of individual centralization will hardly be challenged, and the corresponding domestic human rights situation and the suppression of civil society will not see hope or the possibility of progress.
Deutsche Welle: In recent years, Xi Jinping has publicly opposed “historical nihilism” on many occasions, and this time he tried to set the tone for future politics through a third historical resolution. With his strict control over the definition of history, will China no longer have any room for historical expression in the future?
Teng Biao: The CCP’s expression of history has always served its politics. They believe in Orwell’s words that “whoever controls history will control the future.” Therefore, they continue to modify history or cover up some history. There will be less and less room for historical expression in the future. In the era of Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, although there was also speech control and censorship, there was still room for speech, such as exploring the truth of history.
This kind of space will hardly exist in the future, and some historical truths or folk versions of history that are different from the official expressions of the Communist Party will basically be forcibly eliminated.
Deutsche Welle: Some scholars believe that Xi Jinping will use this resolution to include the concept of “common prosperity” as the main policy axis of the Chinese government in the future. How do you see the role of “common prosperity” in China’s future policies?
Teng Biao: The CCP will launch these political campaigns in the economic field, forcing the wealthy to donate money or take measures to help the poor, and then put more pressure on those who are disobedient, influential among the people, or unreliable in factions. . Some people have already been sentenced to heavy sentences, including Ren Zhiqiang and Sun Dawu. Then there will be more similar cases in the future, and those pro-civil entrepreneurs or wealthy people of different factions may be suppressed.
The fight against gangsters is one of the ways to suppress the wealthy, and it is also a tool of political struggle. On the one hand, common prosperity sounds very good. Most people think that common prosperity is a good thing and will support this policy. This will increase Xi Jinping’s authority.
But in fact, Xi Jinping does not want to be truly prosperous together, but for political struggle. His method cannot solve the huge gap between rich and poor in China. Under the current system, these problems cannot be solved. The Communist Party does not have the will to resolve these huge gaps between the rich and the poor, because most of the super-rich are people who are related to high-ranking party and government officials, so Xi Jinping cannot suppress all privileged families. His common prosperity is a way of political struggle, and it is also The way to win over the hearts of the people, but cannot solve the problem of the gap between the rich and the poor.
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