The anomaly of the technical governments did not help Italy – Tommaso Grossi

Historian Donald Sassoon has defined the alleged lack of political maturity, lamented by many Italian pundits and intellectuals, as an “Italian anomaly”.

The many problems the country faces are often judged to be part of this Italian exceptionalism, which would apparently prevent the country from functioning like other Western democracies. It also explains his historic desire for a strong leader.

Italy’s institutional weaknesses, compounded by an electoral set-up that impedes solid parliamentary majorities, have also led to another difference from its neighbors: high-profile technical prime ministers summoned by contentious party leaders in tumultuous times. But resorting to technicians in this way undermines the civil pact that should bind rulers and ruled in democracies, and runs the risk of fueling populist resentment. The time has come for Italian politics to finally take a step forward.

The sense of a strategy
In 1993, when Italy was shaken by a currency crisis, corruption and mafia terrorism, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, a former director of the central bank, was appointed prime minister. Lamberto Dini took over as prime minister of the first government of Silvio Berlusconi in 1995; Mario Monti was called to introduce austerity measures to “heal” Italian public finances in 2011; and in 2021 President Sergio Mattarella turned to Mario Draghi, appointing one of the most credible men outside of party politics, to lead Italy out of the storm.

Mattarella’s strategy made sense. Draghi’s appointment was a clear message to political parties and factions. The stakes were too high to continue as if nothing were in the wake of partisan politics: Italy had to accelerate the introduction of the covid-19 vaccine and initiate some key reforms to modernize the country and access the relaunch funds of European Union. The stakes were too high even for Europe, as Italy’s success or failure in implementing consolidation reforms could have determined the future of financial solidarity throughout the continental bloc.

But despite some accomplishments, many reforms introduced by Draghi’s coalition government were eventually watered down to please the political factions, and although a facade of national unity remained until June, there were still many disagreements.

In his speech to the Italian senate, after the crisis triggered by the 5-star Movement, Draghi accused some members of his cross-party coalition of trying to send him home, and asking all political factions to return to work together. But with far-right and right-wing parties seeing their collective position in the polls approaching 50 percent, it was only a matter of time before they – or the 5 Star Movement, whose intentions were unclear – pulled the plug. . The occasion was simply too good to pass up.

When Draghi was named, historian Adam Tooze wrote that it can be difficult for democracies to live without technocrats, but technocrats won’t save us – and they certainly won’t save Italy.

Draghi leaves many things pending, which his coalition government has not been able or been able to accomplish. Reforming the tax system, competition law and the judiciary, as well as introducing a minimum wage and protecting low-income families are all issues that the next – probably far-right – government will have to address.

Of course, Draghi’s stature has certainly allowed Italy to gain political weight and credibility both in Brussels and on the international scene, but more could have been done at the national level to address the main social challenges. And it is true, of course, that the elections would have been held next year anyway, but right now who is ready to capitalize is the far right.

However, there is a lesson to be learned in the long term: Italy must be less anomalous. He must develop a new and wiser political culture that seeks to stabilize his situation. And don’t make excuses for missed opportunities and broken promises.

(Translation by Federico Ferrone)