BANGKOK – The Burmese opposition creates a shadow government to counter the actions of the military protagonists of the February 1st coup. This was announced via social networks by the committee of former deputies and members of the National League for Democracy (NLD). The executive is defined as “of national unity” and for the first time includes representatives of the main ethnic parties and men in close contact with the military wings of the various movements. The birth of this body that coordinates the actions of peaceful and non-peaceful rebels could have significant repercussions on the ground even if it will not soon change the situation of the forces in the field.
Blood red paint for the dead of Myanmar
by Raimondo Bultrini
The army has 500,000 well-placed men and is continuing to keep a hard fist against the demonstrators who do not stop offering themselves to sniper rifle bullets.
President of this virtual government is the same as before the coup, U Win Myint. The list continues with Aung San Suu Kyi as State Councilor and de facto head of the executive: both are under arrest with the prospect of several years in prison. The novelty begins with the designated vice president who this time is an ethnic Kachin, Duwa Lashi La, former member of the Political Coordination Team in contact with the Karen independence army.
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From ancestors of the ancient Chin lineage comes the Union Minister of the Interior, a position assigned in the previous and in the current government to a military man. Is called Lian Hmong Sakong and is a leader of the Chin National front, which also has a military wing. Also one of the Deputy Ministers for Interior and Immigration, Hte Bu Area, comes from the KNPP, an armed group of the Karen ethnic group. His land has been bombed in recent weeks by the Burmese air force for hosting thousands of young people who have fled from the cities and some deserters from the army in the “liberated” areas of the state.
Among the designated ministers there is also dr. Sasa, in the century Salai Maung Taing San, public face of the CRPH as its UN representative and one of the main interlocutors with ethnic groups.
The same government at the helm Lnd-Suu Kyi it prevented the ethnic parties from being adequately represented in many ways. The new course of the League for Democracy on a multi-ethnic and multi-religious basis (many minorities are Christian and among the activists of the movement there are many Muslims including Rohingya) could reserve several surprises, even if the same is indicated to lead the future government for now. Suu Kyi who defended the generals who were then protagonists of the coup in the Hague trial for war crimes against the Rohingya of Arakan.
Myanmar ambassador to Great Britain evicted by military attaché: “Coup in the heart of London”
by Enrico Franceschini
For now, no one can say with certainty that you know what is happening in the streets and countryside of your country, or if you are aware of the moves of colleagues who have escaped arrest.
A reconstruction of the Reuters, who spoke to people present at Suu Kyi’s home and in the NLD offices in the days preceding the February 1 coup, reveals that already on January 28, the then Councilor and Foreign Minister destroyed her mobile phone so as not to leave it in the hands of the military in case of arrest. She was almost certain of a coup as a result of her last meeting with the leader of the coup leaders, the army commander Min aung haing.
The Lady refused the request to postpone the inauguration of the new Parliament, where the NLD would occupy a large space. The general first asked for a recount of the votes, which were the result – according to him and the USDP military party – of vast unproven fraud. During the stormy talks that began several days ago, one of Min Aung Hlaing’s representatives went so far as to inveigh against the members of the civilian government. “You people are going too far, rude and insolent,” he told the NLD delegation.
Military sources also claim that the army felt insulted and after meeting with them Kyaw Tint Swe, Suu Kyi’s right arm, looked tremendously shaken. “The civilian government could not do anything,” one of the witnesses at those hours told the news agency. “He had no armed forces, he had no power.”
The rest is known history. That same February 1, the NLD issued a statement that bore Suu Kyi’s signature but not her autograph. “The actions of the military – he said or made them say – are actions to bring the country back under a dictatorship”. Whatever the author, the line of popular resistance has been outlined with this sentence and followed so far.
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