“Long live freedom, damn it” It is a war cry. It corresponds. Although the person who uttered it never fired a shot: Javier Milei. He imposed it on his cause five years ago as a successful slogan publicist, just like the “there is no money” from three months ago. Pure creation or perhaps it recognizes the war mark in a precedent: it occurred in the War of the Pacific or Saltpeter (1879-1884), when Chile and the common British interests kept lands from Peru and blocked Bolivia’s access to the sea. . In one of the last battles, an officer pledged his life shouting “Long live Peru, damn it,” followed by “no one surrenders, fire until the last cartridge.” The phrase became a seal in the history of that country, and some daring person endorsed it on an Argentine combatant, then a lawyer and lieutenant colonel, a volunteer patriot who had joined the Peruvian Army, Roque Sáenz Peña, the same one who would later become President. and remembered for promulgating the secret and mandatory vote in 1912. It was Sáenz Peña himself who denied the war anecdote and transferred it to a comrade in arms who died in that watchtower of Arica along with whom he would be one of the national heroes of that country, General Francisco Bolognesi. The Argentine, then, was wounded and taken prisoner, he was the only one of another nationality facing the Chileans.
As the term “carajo” offended good customs due to the multiple meanings of “carajo” (despite the fact that “carajear” comes from ancient Hispanic times), the phrase circulated discreetly until a few decades ago it became a motto in Peru. With Milei, on the other hand, his warrior cry expanded like a tide accompanied by his generosity in hanging unusual grievances and slander on suspected and unsuspected rivals, disintegrating figures, positions and even institutions. A Bukowski of politics, a shock for those who grew up distinguishing a street language from another public and, in general, became accustomed to reading newspapers that never included profanity or resorted to ellipses as a replacement to encourage the reader’s imagination. Today there are no paper newspapers or kiosks that sell them, the culture includes – among other advances – the invasion of underdeveloped rappers who imitate payadores from another era who did not receive subsidies or say bad words. Milei is more from the other world, from networks, from the Internet, from that crude, perhaps irresponsible language, in which he harvests wills.
His impertinence crosses politics: a certain left clamors for presidential statements on foreign policy by expressing themselves disparagingly about colleagues from other countries, such as Lula, Maduro, Sánchez. Curious, it is the same political sector that in the 70s praised Fidel Castro—with a “bootlicker” or “asslicker” always falling out of his mouth—when he proudly admitted to intervening in the internal affairs of other states by sending troops or promoting sedition. That block has remained in the same conservative tradition that finds Milei’s vocabulary offensive and gets angry or blushes because of it. the description of Congress as a “rat’s nest”, when they think exactly the same (see polls) or Ricardo López Murphy is a “traitor” to liberalism when no one shares that presidential occurrence. Milei shouldn’t even know that bull dog representative, another President, Raúl Alfonsín, already foisted the same accusation on him, who expelled him from radicalism because he was “liberal” (curiously, along with the father of Federico Sturzenegger, who now assists Milei in matters of deregulation, a kind of giver of intellectual blood ). In this low-level fray, another shame was hidden: those who applauded the attack on López Murphy were members of the same circle that the legislator is part of, they are fellow thinkers. Not behavior. For Milei, for his fuck, for his Munch shout, freedom also means expressing himself in the way he wants, leading part of a society that is the substance of his vote, embodied in the heads of those who follow him. Finally, it is an anecdotal discussion for linguists.
The core does not go through that passing debate. More important is Milei’s meeting with Biden’s envoy at the Casa Rosada and the immediate trip to Washington to a seminar that is to the right of the Republicans. And the good treatment so that The IMF gives Argentina a fresh loan of no less than ten billionkey to resisting 2024. Also of interest is the progressive negotiation with the governors to approve certain bills, now withdrawn, a change that requires Toto Caputo in discordance with a Milei less prone to transactions. In Macri’s club they say that the important provincial executives refuse to maintain the conflict with the Casa Rosada, some for sharing ideas (Pullaro), others for the loss of membership in their land due to the confrontation with Milei (Llaryora). Perhaps they exceeded their conditions or the government’s disorganization and incompetence prevailed. There was an influential parliamentarian who advised shortening the speeches, closing the chapters and the norm was approved almost without cuts. Faced with this offer, the official delegate asked for time, requiring permission and consulting the proposal with someone more important than himself. It took three days, I was left in limbo and the omnibus law was worked on in section h. Folly.
Perhaps the offended legislators will boycott Milei on March 1, perhaps returning grievances or because of that exhibition that the President decided to make. outside the venue, when he took office in front of the Plaza de los dos Congresos. It will be another anecdote, whether there is a boycott or not. Key, however, will be to wait for the possible reforms in which Milei committed and today the attentive markets demand. How to know if the next maturity of already renegotiated debt – interest and capital – will be honored by the province of Buenos Aires, in charge of a Axel Kicillof with budget dramas and in open dissidence with the Casa Rosada. The province has the funds to double the obligation of more than 300 million dollars, but distrust is observed in the operators: Kicillof’s securities have not risen with the same speed as national bonds. Even Caputo must fear a default by the governor, it would be disastrous for his financial strategy. Not to mention Milei’s oral incontinence.
LT