[Epoch Times August 18, 2021](Reported by Epoch Times reporter Wan Ping) The corruption case of CCP officials has exploded again. According to the latest news from Inner Mongolia, Li Jianping, a “little official” who was detained in the past three years, involved up to 3 billion yuan (approximately US$463 million. The following currencies are all in RMB), of which only one company bribed Li Jian in parallel for more than 570 million yuan. Taiwan’s “National Defense Security Biweekly” stated that this “20 years of investigation” in Inner Mongolia was directed at Xi’s political opponents at the top of the Chinese Communist Party.
In September 2018, Li Jianping, former secretary of the Party Working Committee of the Inner Mongolia Hohhot Economic and Technological Development Zone, was investigated. In November 2019, the Li Jianping case was classified as the “largest case so far in the history of corruption in Inner Mongolia”.
On July 6 this year, on the CCP’s Procuratorate website, a bribery indictment published by the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region’s Keyouzhong Banner Procuratorate showed that Yang Jindong, the legal representative of Dongsheng Real Estate Development Co., Ltd., paid a total of 577.8 million yuan (approximately 88.2 million yuan) to Li Jian. Dollar).
The amount involved in Li Jianping far exceeded the 1.788 billion yuan (approximately US$276 million) of Lai Xiaomin, the former chairman and former party secretary of Huarong Asset Management Co., Ltd., and the 1.17 billion yuan (approximately US$180 million) of Zhang Zhongsheng, former deputy mayor of Luliang City, Shanxi Province ), Zhao Zhengyong, former secretary of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee, paid more than 717 million yuan (about 110 million US dollars).
As the leader of the Economic and Technological Development Zone, Li Jianping not only regards his subordinate companies as his own “money bag” and “cash machine”, he also registers the company in the name of others and actually controls it himself. He arbitrarily set up dozens of large and small shell companies, including the obvious head office, as well as the first-level, second-level, and third-level subsidiaries that are deceptive.
Under his direct planning and instruction, these companies solicited projects and did business with each other, and a large amount of state-owned funds frequently flowed between them, secretly passing through the warehouses, and finally turning the public into private assets and turning them into personal property.
According to Li Jianping’s confession, except for part of the stolen money used for gambling, most of the rest were used to buy collections of famous calligraphy and painting, antique jade, gold jewelry, precious watches, and a large number of famous Chinese and foreign wines. The wine cellar collected tens of thousands of bottles of various kinds of famous wines.
According to reports, after Bai Haiquan, the party secretary of the Jinchuan Industrial Park in the Economic and Technological Development Zone where he had worked with him, fell from the horse, Li Jianping was not at all vigilant and even intensified. When the incident broke out, he tried to transfer more than 200 million yuan (approximately US$30.9 million). funds. Li Jianping’s subordinate, Bai Haiquan, also involved 170 million yuan (approximately US$26.25 million) in corruption.
Inner Mongolia’s anti-corruption directed at Liu Yunshan and others
From February 26 to March 1, 2021, 11 officials in Inner Mongolia were intensively investigated and prosecuted within four days. In February 2020, the coal-related corruption case in Inner Mongolia was detonated. Xi Jinping’s authorities demanded “20 years of back investigation”. In a year, more than 50 high-ranking officials have been dismissed.
The result of the “20 years of backward investigation” was that officials at the Inner Mongolia Department were investigated and dealt with in groups, and the Inner Mongolia Commission for Discipline Inspection also announced information on the “losing horses” of multiple cadres at the same time. On March 19 this year, the local government issued a document under the heading of “Six Bursts”, and six local officials were investigated in one day.
On March 6, the official website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection informed Inner Mongolia that 676 coal-related corruption cases involving 960 people had been filed for the “20-year back investigation” conducted in Inner Mongolia, including 61 officials at the department and bureau level and 216 officials at the county and department level. The loss was 40.27 billion yuan (about 6.217 billion US dollars).
According to the relevant person in charge of the Inner Mongolia Commission for Discipline Inspection and Supervision, 12 officials at the department and division level voluntarily surrendered to the case, recovering 39.327 billion yuan (approximately US$6.072 billion) in economic losses; more than 1.4 million cadres in the district reported the incident. Coal declaration matters.
On June 7, Xinhuanet released updated data, accumulatively accepting 3,982 clues about coal-related issues, and 987 people filed 700 cases, including 62 at the department level, 227 at the county level, and 14 cadres voluntarily surrendered.
Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region is the home of the world’s largest open-pit coal mine. 11 of the 12 league cities in the region have coal mines. There are 523 coal mines with an approved production capacity of 1.28 billion tons. 32.8%.
Taiwan’s “National Defense Security Biweekly” reported that public opinion believes that Xi Jinping has taken such a big move to cleanse the political arena in Inner Mongolia, and its purpose is directed at the high level of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong media changed their names, and Xi Jinping’s target is Liu Yunshan, Jiang Zemin and other top political enemies.
Inner Mongolia is the birthplace of Liu Yunshan. His family has tens of billions of RMB in assets in Inner Mongolia and has already established a huge network of interests.
Inner Mongolian officials illegally acquire, resell and allocate coal resources, use enterprise restructuring to take state-owned coal mines as their own, or use their powers to approve specific related parties such as children and relatives to contract coal business, forming a network of power, money and interests colluded by government and business, etc. There are endless cases of coal corruption.
Last year, after 20 years of anti-corruption investigations in Inner Mongolia, the political and legal system of the Chinese Communist Party also began to “investigate 20 years.” On June 7, the Politics and Law Commission issued a document stating that the “reverse investigation 20 years” will be upgraded to “the reverse investigation 30 years”, the “paper-based sentence” will be rectified, and “commutation (penalty), parole (release), temporary (out of prison) will be seized. Enforcement)” 10,279 cases.
Since the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, among the main leaders of the CCP’s national economic and technological development zones, 20 cadres at the departmental and bureau level have been dismissed from their posts, involving 19 national economic and technological development zones.
According to incomplete statistics, since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, more than 50 “corrupt officials with a hundred million yuan” (approximately US$15.44 million) have been investigated.
Current affairs commentator Wang Youqun believes that the CCP’s full and complete corruption began when Jiang Zemin was in power. For example, Jiang Zemin’s cronies-former member of the Politburo Standing Committee and secretary of the Central Political and Legal Committee Zhou Yongkang, former members of the Politburo of the Communist Party of China and vice chairman of the Central Military Commission Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong, former members of the Politburo of the Communist Party of China and secretary of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee Bo Xilai, etc., are all on one side. Severe corruption was promoted and reused. Jiang Zemin, as the general back office for promoting and reusing the CCP’s most serious corrupt elements, did not fail, and it was useless to fight corruption. @
Editor in charge: Shao Yi
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